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New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this

Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we

have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional

munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in

actual war with aggressor nations.

Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.

They do not need man power, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of


The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot,

and we will not, tell them that they must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay

for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these

weapons-a loan to be repaid in dollars.

I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials

in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. Nearly all their materiel would,

if the time ever came, be useful for our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our

own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent

abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which

to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time following the close of

hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in other goods of many kinds, which they can

produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of

freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give

you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing

numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they

will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which

dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should

unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an

act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit

an act of war.

Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its

observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression.

The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective and

how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency

situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the

nation's life is in danger.

We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war

itself-demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations

must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the

right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in

stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to

shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to

save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man

our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the

courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The

mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth

fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been

done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life

in America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and

strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic

problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in

the world.

For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.

They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard

of living.

These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and

unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic

and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfil these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As


We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment


We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment

may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to

respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I

shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation

than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program;

and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before

our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of

pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon

four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression-everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way-everywhere in the


The third is freedom from want-which, translated into world terms, means economic

understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-

everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear-which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide

reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in

a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor-anywhere in the world.




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+1 anno fa


Dispensa al corso di "Gli Stati Uniti nel XX secolo" del Prof. Daniele Fiorentino. Trattasi del celebre discorso al Congresso del 1941 del presidente degli Stati Uniti Franklin Delano Roosevelt sulle "quattro libertà". Al suo interno egli proclamava il diritto di ogni uomo alla libertà di parola ed espressione, alla libertà di religione, alla libertà dal bisogno e alla libertà dalla paura.

Corso di laurea: Corso di laurea magistrale in relazioni internazionali
A.A.: 2011-2012

I contenuti di questa pagina costituiscono rielaborazioni personali del Publisher vipviper di informazioni apprese con la frequenza delle lezioni di Gli Stati Uniti nel XX secolo e studio autonomo di eventuali libri di riferimento in preparazione dell'esame finale o della tesi. Non devono intendersi come materiale ufficiale dell'università Roma Tre - Uniroma3 o del prof Fiorentino Daniele.

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Altri appunti di Gli stati uniti nel xx secolo

Secolo degli Stati Uniti, A. Testi - dal progressismo alla II G.M.
Secolo degli Stati Uniti, A. Testi - dalla guerra fredda a Bush jr.
Costituzione Stati Uniti - inglese
Strenuous life - Theodore Roosevelt