Critic Review - Water consumption embedded in its social context, north-western Benin

The aim is to document how the transition between the dry season and

the rainy season influences not only the amount of water available, but

also consumption behaviours, highlighting episodes of seasonal water

stress.

e. Analyse the impact of household prosperity:

The aim of the article is to examine how economic prosperity influences

water consumption, highlighting that richer households, especially in

urban contexts, consume significantly greater quantities of water than

less rich households, while this difference is less marked in rural villages.

2. What are the main conclusions of the article?

a. Disparities in access to water at the local level:

Although Benin does not suffer from water scarcity or water

 stress at the national level, important local disparities exist.

Some villages, such as Bougou, benefit from a greater number of

wells, while in others, such as Pélébina, the population must

share minimal resources.

This heterogeneity is mainly influenced by the different qualities

 of the soil, which in some cases makes the construction of wells a

difficult and expensive undertaking.

b. Influence of seasonality:

Seasonality plays a determining role in water consumption

 patterns. During the dry season, average per capita consumption

drops from 18.7 litres to 15.8 litres, with an extreme minimum of

5.2 litres in some cases. This is significantly lower than the

minimum threshold of 20 litres per person per day indicated as a

standard by the WHO.

Seasonal scarcity also leads to situations of water stress that

 negatively impact daily life.

c. Differences between urban and rural areas and impact of

prosperity:

Urban households, having access to a greater variety of water

 sources, tend to consume more than rural households, which are

more dependent on sources such as marig.

Within urban areas, significant differences are observed between

 poor and rich households, with rich households consuming up to

50% more water than poor households due to better access to

water resources and the availability of assets such as vehicles to

wash

d. Impact of household size:

As household size increases, per capita water consumption

 decreases. This suggests that larger households must ration

available resources.

e. Water quality and health:

The quantity of available water is not the only issue; quality is

 also critical. During the dry season, some wells run dry, forcing

communities to dig deeper or use less reliable water sources.

This reduction in the quality and quantity of water used for

 hygiene and consumption contributes to the spread of disease,

as evidenced by testimonies from local people.

f. Socio-economic impacts:

Seasonal water scarcity has direct effects on time management,

 especially for women, who must spend long hours collecting

water, reducing time for commercial activities or other

occupations.

Furthermore, reduced access to water has a negative impact on

 hygiene and quality of life.

g. Need for an interdisciplinary approach:

Solutions to water access and water management problems must

 combine hydrological, economic, climate and social aspects, to

address different local challenges in an effective and sustainable

way.

The conclusions highlight that, even in countries that do not face a

national water crisis, uneven distribution of resources and seasonal

conditions can create critical situations at local level.

3. What is the main supporting evidence for the conclusions?

a. Disparities in access to water at the local level

• Evidence:

Village differences: Access to water varies significantly between

o villages and households. In Dendougou, for example, a village with

59 residential units, wells were few and marigots (waterholes in

dried-up riverbeds) were used as a source of supply. Some

households, especially those on the edge of the village, had to

travel up to 600 meters to reach a marigot. In contrast, in Bougou, a

village with 402 residential units, there are many private and public

wells, so access to water is rated as “satisfactory.”

Distances to access water: Households had to travel an average of

o 215 meters to reach a water source, but the distance can increase

significantly in the dry season, when wells dry up. In these cases,

families in Se´rou and Pe´le´bina had to travel to distant marigots or

buy water from pumps.

b. Influence of seasonality

• Evidence:

Average per capita consumption data shows a decrease from 18.7

o liters in the rainy season to 15.8 liters in the dry season, with a

minimum of 5.2 liters in some extreme cases.

Temporal analysis shows an increase in the time needed to collect

o water during the dry season, with long waits at available sources.

During the dry season, some wells dry up, leading families to resort

to other sources such as marigots or to buy water from pumps. In

Dendougou, wells dried up in January, forcing the entire population

to collect water from distant and low-quality sources

c. Differences between urban and rural areas and prosperity

• Evidence:

Urban vs. rural consumption: Urban households consume an

o average of 21.2 liters of water per day, while rural households

consume 15.8 liters.

Difference between rich and poor households: In urban areas, rich

o households consume up to 50% more water than poor households.

For example, rich households in the city consume 21.9 liters, while

poor households consume 11.2 liters. In rural areas, the difference

between rich and poor households is less significant, with rich

households consuming 16.8 liters and poor households 15.6 liters.

Rich households have greater access to reliable water sources and

use water for non-essential purposes (e.g. washing cars), further

increasing their consumption.

d. Impact of household size

• Evidence:

Larger households consume 14.9 litres of water per capita, while

o smaller households consume 17.4 litres. This suggests that larger

households ration the available water to meet the needs of all

members

e. Water quality and health

• Evidence:

During the dry season, some wells dry up, forcing households to use

o less safe water sources, increasing the risk of disease.

Local testimonies confirm health problems related to the use of

o contaminated or insufficient water for personal hygiene. Water

quality in rural areas, such as in the marigots of Dendougou and Pe

´le´bina, is described as "very poor" during the dry season. These

sources contain contaminated water, which increases the risk of

disease.

f. Socio-economic impacts

• Evidence:

Field observations show that water collection is an almost

o exclusively female activity, with women and girls spending many

hours a day, limiting time for other productive activities. According

to a World Bank observation (2003), women and children in rural

areas spend up to six to eight hours each day carrying water from

rivers or wells.

Lower consumption of water for personal and household hygiene

o during periods of scarcity is linked to a reduction in quality of life

and difficulties in managing daily needs.

Water conflicts: In the dry season, due to the scarcity of water

o sources, conflicts over access to water arise, especially among

women who have to collect water. In Dendougou, the elders’ council

manages access to village wells, sometimes blocking access for a

few hours to ensure all households can collect water.

Differences between households: Households that do not have

o direct access to public or private wells, as in Pe´le´bina, must travel

long distances to collect water or rely on low-quality sources. This

creates a socioeconomic disparity between households that have

direct access to water and those that rely on distant or low-quality

sources.

This evidence, both data-based and qualitative, supports the assertion

that disparities in access to water, seasonality, and socioeconomic factors

contribute to critical situations despite the absence of a national water

crisis in Benin.

4. How did the authors obtain the evidence?

The authors obtained the evidence through a study conducted between

August 2001 and January 2002, which included a variety of data collection

methods aimed at understanding water access and consumption patterns

in village and urban households in northern Benin.

a. Household selection:

The sample of 40 households was specifically selected by local

o elders' councils based on their knowledge of the residential units

and the prosperity of the households. The families chosen were

representative of different family compositions (polygamous and

monogamous) and levels of prosperity (more or less prosperous).

b. Direct observation techniques (continuous monitoring):

The households were visited once a month, by a team of twenty

o local assistants. The visits were made from 6:00 to 21:00, and

the data were collected through continuous monitoring of daily

activities related to water use. Observation allowed recording of

times, purposes, amount of water used, and information about

water consumption (including rainwater storage and remaining

water in the morning and evening).

In case of exceptions (e.g. when household members returned

o late and did not do water activities until late), assistants stayed

longer to ensure that all key activities were monitored.

c. Detailed recording techniques:

Specific information about water users (including guests and

o visitors) was recorded to establish a complete picture of water

consumption, keeping track of who used water and the purpose

of the activities (ingestion, hygiene, cooking, etc.). A distinction

was also made between household and non-household users.

For each individual involved, demographic data such as age,

o gender, occupation, religion, marital status, and ethnicity were

collected, allowing a contextualized understanding of

consumption patterns.

d. Quantitative measurements:

The quantities of water used for the main daily activities and the

o quantity of water remaining during the day were recorded.

Seasonal changes in water quantities and the mobility of

o households to reach water sources during the dry season,

especially when wells dried up, were also monitored.

e. Interviews and field observations:

Observations on changes in consumption patterns and difficulties

o in accessing water were made in specific contexts, such as

Dendougou, Se´rou, Bougou and Pe´le´bina, collecting data on

how households coped with water scarcity.

Data collected in informal interviews with villagers were also

o used, who provided direct testimonies on the difficulty in

accessing water and conflicts between women during water

collection.

f. Data analysis:

The data collected were analyzed at four levels: individual,

o family, village