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Summary:
(VERY IMPORTANT TO UNDERSTAND) Higher shyness → higher externalizing problems
Higher benevolence → lower externalizing problems
Higher effortful control → lower externalizing problems
Higher effortful control → lower internalizing problems
Higher negative effect → higher internalizing problems
As only five out of 22 trait-by-group interactions are significant, temperament and personality effects are largely consistent across the two groups and generally corroborate the patterns of specificity typically reported by research on trait maladjustment covariations in non-clinical groups.
For temperament, higher levels of Emotionality and Negative Affect and lower levels of Effortful Control predict both internalizing and externalizing.
Personality shows a slightly more differentiated pattern and explains more variance than temperament.
In conclusion: This overall similarity in trait-maladjustment covariations suggests that similar processes link traits to psychosocial.
Functioning for individuals with ADHD and for comparison group children and implies that traits are an additional tool to identify ADHD children at risk for developing emotional or behavioral problems higher levels of Shyness go together with more externalizing problems in children with ADHD but not in comparison children.
Limitations:
- The limited sample size of the ADHD group did not allow for more in-depth, multi-group comparisons depending on structural equation modelling techniques.
- Relying on the parent as the sole informant might also result in potential bias, because parents of referred children may tend to exaggerate the problems of their own child.
- The present study is based on clinical judgment for ADHD diagnosis and on only limited information about psychosocial functioning.
- No data were available on those families contacted by the ADHD centers who did not choose to participate in the study.
- Childhood traits are only one of the many factors related to transactional.
- In anger (MI) moderate-increasing → more at risk to develop Avoidant Personality Disorder
- In fear (MI) moderate-increasing → more at risk to develop Avoidant Personality Disorder
- In attentional control (MI) moderate-increasing → more at risk to develop Avoidant Personality Disorder
- In ego resiliency (MI) moderate-increasing → more at risk to develop Avoidant Personality Disorder
- Higher anger, higher fear, Lower attentional control, Lower ego resiliency predict → High Decreasing Withdrawal classes (mother- or teacher-reports), Moderate Increasing class (Mother reported)
- Lower attentional control and Lower ego resiliency predict → in teacher-reported Low Increasing class
IMPORTANT! we can’t predict whether children’s withdrawal become worse or better
Higher decreasing / moderate increasing /low increasing patterns of withdrawal could lead to maladaptive patterns such as Higher anger, low attentional control, Lower ego resiliency
ENVIRONMENTAL CONTRIBUTING
- FACTORS TO WITHDRAWAL
- Negative experience with parents
- Peer rejection
- Self-reported parental neglect
- Unsure and disorganized/unresolved attachment
- Childhood abuse (emotional, verbal, physical, sexual)
- Genetic and Environmental Basis of AvPD
- Heredity (vulnerable temperament)
- Environment (no buffer for children's vulnerability)
- Cultural effects matter! Ex. AvPD is more common in Norway.
- TRAJECTORIES OF PARENT-REPORTED WITHDRAWAL
- MODERATE INCREASING vs MODERATE STABLE
- Mother-identified Moderate Increasing was most likely predictive of AvPD.
- Anger > (= risk factor)
- Ego resiliency < (= protective factor)
- MODERATE STABLE vs LOW DECREASING
- Anger >
- Fear >
- Attentional control <
- Only one significant effect of fear, probably because of:
- CBQ taps childhood fears;
- Association with withdrawn might be stronger when considering other types of fear
- Profile of high declining (HD) withdrawal class vs. low stable (LS)
risk factors may fluctuate developmentally. Some risk factors predict dysfunction only at specific periods of development, whereas others are stable predictors of disorder across major periods of the life span. Exposure to many risk factors has cumulative effects. At the very least, risk factors appear to have additive effects on vulnerability. The probability of illness may increase as a function of the number, the duration, and the "toxicity" of the risk factors encountered. With respect to some childhood disorders (Rutter, 1980), the risk of dysfunction seems to increase exponentially with the individual's exposure to each new risk factor, until the level of risk becomes extremely high.
The primary objective of prevention science is to trace the links between generic risk factors and specific clinical disorders and to moderate the pervasive effects of risk factors. If generic risks can be identified and altered in a population, this can have a positive influence on a range of
Mental health problems, as well as job productivity, and can reduce the need for many health, social, and correctional services. This strategy has a higher potential payoff for society than does a focused attack on controlling a single major, but rarely occurring, disorder.
Promoting protective factors against dysfunction. The effects of exposure to risk can be mitigated by a variety of individual and social characteristics that serve protective functions. Protective factors may decrease dysfunction directly, interact with the risk factor to buffer its effects, disrupt the mediational chain through which the risk factor operates to cause the dysfunction, or prevent the initial occurrence of the risk factor. Each of these methods can potentially be used to design strategies for intervention. Two general types of protective factors may serve to limit childhood disorders.
- Individual characteristics, temperament, dispositions, and skills may cushion the effects of adversity or stress. Specific
Behavioral and cognitive skills can be acquired in order to cope with stressful situations and thus reduce psychological symptoms. Other protective factors may be more fixed by genetic and biosocial limitations.
Attributes of the child's environment, such as social support, parental warmth, appropriate discipline, adult monitoring and supervision, and bonding to family or other prosocial models may also function as protective factors.
The goal of some interventions has been to shape child-rearing environments by providing community and family supports (Goodman, 1987). Enhancing protective factors may be the strategy of choice in cases in which risk factors are difficult to identify in advance—such as dysfunctional parenting—or to eliminate altogether.