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ESTRATTO DOCUMENTO

INGLESE

You had been planning to fll the whole glass with your designer beer of choice, but hey, you’re a reasonable person. So

you wait to see how much space you have left after everyone else has added their bit. Perhaps you’re disappointed

(esempio di negativ affect) when it transpires that instead of being able to add a whole pint of Peroni, you’ll have to make

→ →

do with a quarter pint, or even a thimble full. ( viene esplicitato il pathos grande complicità tra scrittore e lettore la

categoria del affect serve sempre a questo. Prima c’era solo l’intento di comunicare qualcosa di morale, ora invece si ha

un intento persuasivo empatia)

And then you realise that what’s in your glass tastes bloody awful ( si ha un verbo di sensazione tastes ) anyway and

that the whole metaphor is getting out of control so you ask the barman if he does bottles.

The point being, of course, that if you belong anywhere in the wide spectrum of sensible (si uniscono le categorie→

→ →

formano il sistema testo sensible attraversa tutte le categorie apparentemente parola appartiene ad affect perchè

indica una qualità nella quale sono coinvolte le emozioni, ma in verità sensible è sia sensibile che ragionevole cioè non

estremista, quindi è moderato) opinion in this country, you will accept that immigration has to be conirolled to a degree.

Only those on the extremes of both Left and Right believe in either an open door, “come one, come all” approach or a

“sorry, we’re full up" sign on the country’s shutters.

And if, as is currently the case, we cannot limii or even anticipate the number of immigrants arriving in the UK from any

of the 27 other EU nations, then if limits are to be imposed, they have to be imposed on those coming here from outside

the EU.

You see? Arithmetic.

Today’s ORB poll showing a signifcant narrowing of the gap in the Remain campaign’s lead seems to confrm that

ordinary voters are a damned sight more able to use a calculator than many politicians.

This is a matter of great exasperation to most of our elected representatives. Why can’t voters just think the same way

that they do and stop raising uncomfortable issues? (obiettivo principale è rassicurare il lettore sul fatto di non essere

razzista se si preoccupa delle problematiche legate all’immigrazione)

The problem is particularly acute for the Labour Party, because it's Labour’s core vote in housing estates throughout the

country where unhappiness about immigration is felt most keenly. Unfortunately, there are few Labour MPs willing to

acknowledge that unhappiness; they prefer to “challenge” it.

After months of being told by their (Labour) MPs that working-class voters’ concerns are groundless and that any

intention to vote to leave the EU reveals them to be “extreme”, I fear that the generational loyalty to the People’s Party

may be about to reach breaking point, just as it did in Scotland.

More important than Labour’s latest existential crisis, however, is the practical implications of managing non-EU

immigration. The upsetting case of the Brain family in Scotland is one such implication.

Kathryn and Gregg Brain, along with their seven-year-old son Lachlan, face being removed (fa sentire il lettore nella

situazione) from Scotland after the post-graduate visa scheme which attracted them here in the frst place was

retrospectively withdrawn by the government.

Now, it is certainly true that no one can guarantee that particular individuals would face different personal circumstances

or be treated differently if our relationship with the EU were different. What is certain is that while this young (il termine

giovane ci trasmette affect, ma solo fuori da questo contesto. Mi aggiunge un’informazione famiglia giovane che avrà

meno problematiche di questo tipo. Il lettore però lo legge in termini economici, cioè dal reddito che riesce a portare al

paese per tanto tempo) family, who came here to use their skills and qualifcations for their and the UK’s beneft, have no

right to remain here, any family from any EU country with any or no skills or qualifcations do.

What’s more, there is no doubt that in order to get at least within shouting distance of the Prime Minister’s famous (and

ill advised una cosa pensata male. Lo mette tra parentesi perchè è un giudizio. Lo mette in mezzo a una frase che sta

descrivendo una situazione negativa) net immigration target of “tens of thousands”, it’s families like the Brains who must

suffer. →

But there I go again, being all extremist ( allineamento ipotale (CHE MINCHIA VUOL DIRE) con il lettore, affermando un

principio presentato come di buon senso. Sta dicedo che se usciamo dall’UE non siamo più obbligati a far entrare tutti

nel nostro paese. Questo è ingiusto nei confronti dei cittadini non europei. Si crea una situazione dove mettiamo degli

standard che devono essere soddisfatti e vengono ammessi solo gli individui che li rispettano) by suggesting all comers

into our country ought to be treated on an equal basis. Gosh, ( abbassa il tono, non essendo però bad language) I

might as well be writing a BNP (british national party) pamphlet.

And while the political establishment continue to lecture us ( è molto importante perchè us indica noi. Stabilisce una

cotroparte perfetta con l’altro articolo su “the guardian”) about which issues we can and can’t have opinions on, they

should reflect on the advice of an old Labour warhorse of my acquaintance: “If defence is at the top of voters’ agenda

during a general election, then Labour can win all the arguments it likes, but the Tories will still win the vote.

“Similarly, if the NHS tops the list of voters’ concerns, then the Tories can make all the valid economic arguments they

like, they’ll still lose.”

It’s not up to politicians to tell voters what their priorities should be: democracy works the other way round.

INGLESE

21/11/17

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/may/13/hysteria-immigration-statistics-migration-government

articolo che parla di immigrazione The hysteria about immigration statistics

( Non sopravvive ad

doesn’t stand up to scrutiny

un esame dettagliato)

Da una parte si deve contapporre all’isteria lo scrutinio di

una cosa ( un’analisi dettagliata)

Un titolo come questo è interessante perché

involontariamente classifca subito la possibile relazione tra

isteria e scrutinio. L’elettore comune leggendo si

tranquillizza e si sente anche rassicurato.

In questo articolo viene detto che è stata creata

un’esagerazione su questi dati

La modalità con cui lo scrivente si imposta da forma a

tutto.

The guardina da la parola a un professore universitario

perché sa che il suo lettore ( intellettuale di sinistra) tipo

sarà soddisfatto a una lettura di quel tipo.

IL SOTTOTITOLO IN ARANCIONE la migrazione non è

nulla di tutto ciò. Si capisce subito da qui che questo

articolo è smascherare la manipolazione. La prima parte di

questo titolo è l’andare a spiegare che non si è trattata di

una truffa, ma che venga ora manipolata dalla politica come

tale. La seconda parte presenta ai lettori un posizionamento

più equilibrato. I dati confermano la migrazione dall’unione

europea come un fenomeno capace di migliorare le fnanze

pubbliche ( Il risultato positivo dell’immigrazione).

L’autore si poneva il problema di far intendere la cosa

giusta al lettore. Lo scrittore si allinea con il lettore.

Tradtzione dell’ariicolo

Allison Pearson dichiara che il gap tra uffcio

dell’immigazione e la verità è grande come il Grand Canyon

All’inizio richiama l’evento principale e quello rispetto al

quale l’articolo risponde. Le reazioni della stampa sono

state le seguenti hanno insistito parlando di una truffa.

This is absurd. The report contains a lot of

technical detail and isn’t an easy read even

for experts. But a few key points stand out.

(

→ questo rapporto contiene un sacco di dettagli tecnici

che non sono facili da leggere anche per gli esperti. Ma ci

sono molte chiavi di lettura che possono aiutare.)

rassicurazione nei confronti del pubblico. Viene usato un linguaggio informale si capisce da “a lot of”.

INGLESE

First, it is clear that there has been a very large rise in short-term migration to the UK

from the EU in recent years. Taking long-term and short-term migration together, the

number of people moving to the UK from the EU in the most recent year for which we

have figures was between 600,000 and 800,000 – nearly double the figure of five years

( ma i dati solo utili e a questo punto deve usare un linguaggio tecnico, ma sta operando una mediazione

earlier.

tra linguaggio accademico e colloquiale. Il numero delle persone che si sono spostate nell’ultimo anno è stato tra i 600

→ →

mila e gli 800 mila quasi il doppio dell’ultimo anno.) Ma non si deve considerare questo come un’aumento della

nostra popolazione.

Introduzione in cui chiarisce bene l’argomento che andrà ad affrontare e da le informazioni principali. Nel secondo

paragrafo chiarisce il suo posizionalmento secondo questa questione “this in absurd”. C’è un’organizzazione logica di

tutto l’articolo.

Second, this does indeed account for most of the widely publicised divergence between

National Insurance number registrations and the official immigration statistics, based on

the International Passenger Survey and which look at long-term migration only.

( si è molto parlato di questa discrepanza tra

However, in my view, it does not account for all of it.

i numeri e le statistiche cruciali dell’immigrazione che erano basate su sondaggi che si concentravano solo su

immigrazione a lungo termine).

For example, the migration statistics show that 739,000 people arrived from other EU

member states in the four years to June 2014, while the number registering for a NI

esempio queste statistiche dimostrano che sono arrivate 739 mila persone da

number was 1,537,000. (Per

altri paesi dell’unione europea nei 4 mesi da giugno 2014, mentre il numero delle registrazioni è rimasto 1537000.)

Most of this difference is accounted for by short-term migration. But the publication also

reports that of those, 1 million were still active on HMRC computer systems in 2013-14

(oltre un milione però risultavano ancora attivi quindi pagavano ancora le tasse e transitavano ancora nel paese.

Contribuenti attivi) – that is, they were paying tax or claiming HMRC benefits. Some might still

not be long-term migrants. But given that even this million is not a full count of those still

in the UK – and the 739,000 also includes some people who will not need to register for

→ Ma questo

an NI number, like children – it suggests that the 739,000 is an underestimate.

conteggio non è quello defnitivo perchè si deve considerare che quella cifra influde anche persone che non hanno

bisogno di registrarsi (come i bambini).

Third, we can now evaluate the prime minister’s claim, back in November, that “around

40% of all recent European Economic Area migrants are supported by the UK benefits

system”. As I and others said at the time, this figure was dodgy then, and we now know it

was false. The prime minister’s claim was based on an estimate that about 130,000

recent EEA national adults were claiming benefits in March 2013; given the number

recorded as being “active” at some point in 2013-14 reached a million, his 40% looks like

→ Questo va nel dettaglio e dimostra un problema chiave basato sulla comunicazione

a gross exaggeration.

in generale. Se si parla di certe cose in maniera molto banale, convinci le persone, se invece si va nei dettagli i

lettori perdono interesse. In terza battuta possiamo valutare l’affermazione del primo ministro “circa il 40% dei

migranti che provengono dall’eu sono sostenuti dal sistema di sussidi. Questi numeri erano “dodgy”( strani,

bizzarri. Linguaggio informale, fuori contesto e non professionale) quindi non appaiono come dovrebbero

veramente essere (ora sappiamo che la percentuale era falsa).

INGLESE

Fourth, alongside the migration analysis, HMRC has also published important new data

about the fiscal contribution made by recently arrived EEA nationals, showing that they

paid more than £3bn in taxes on income while claiming about £0.5bn in HMRC benefits.

Fourth, alongside the migration analysis, HMRC has also published important new data

about the fiscal contribution made by recently arrived EEA nationals, showing that they

paid more than £3bn in taxes on income while claiming about £0.5bn in HMRC benefits.

This provides further confirmation that EU migrants have made a strongly positive

( tutto ciò ci porta in primo luogo al fatto che i

contribution to the UK economy and public finances.

dati ci portano ad essere colpiti da un punto di vista emotivo dai singoli dati.

What we should conclude from all this? First, they confirm the broad picture of the impact

that EU migration has had on the UK labour market. It has created jobs, boosted growth and

improved the public finances. It has, however, also increased mobility and “churn” in the

labour market and in UK society as a whole; it would be surprising if this did not have an

impact on public services and housing at a local level. And this is happening at the same time

as the government is – for its own mistaken reasons – cutting spending, especially by local

authorities. It is hardly surprising that some of the negative impacts of this are attributed to

( Congiunzione contrastiva (come se fossero

immigration, even if it is not the underlying cause.

“tuttavia” e “ma”. “Boosted” è informale e vuol dire “incentivare, potenziare”. Questo crea dei probelmi a livello sociale,

ma guardando la questione nel suo insieme la migrazione ha avuto risvolti positivi. “mistaken” ragioni che partono da

presupposti sbagliati. “cutting spending” tagliare la spesa locale. I servizi dovrebbero essere migliorati a livello locale

ma lo stato ha tagliato le spese locali.

Second, by first misrepresenting the extent to which recent European migrants claim

benefits, and then by refusing, for obvious and shortsighted political reasons, to release

the underlying data until forced to by the media and parliament, the government has

damaged its own case. Overall, free movement within the EU benefits the UK economy,

and today’s figures further reinforce that. If the government had said so consistently all

along – rather than repeating the myth of “benefit tourism” long after it had been

comprehensively debunked – then perhaps the current debate might be more

→ → →

( “mistrepresenting” mistifcante. “Unederlying data” dati sottostanti.

constructive.

Finally, a personal note. I (like my colleagues in the UK in a Changing Europe

programme) have no position on the referendum itself; our job is to inform the debate,

not to take sides. But I am often asked whether, as an economist who thinks that a

relatively liberal migration policy benefits the UK, I find it uncomfortable criticising the

( Infne una nota fnale, non ho una posizione nel referendum. Il nostro lavoro è

government on this issue.

informare sulla discussione, non schirararci da una parte.) gration ‘swindle’ is anything but that.

(vedi 2nd ariicle and jtdgemeni con itiie le cose soiiolineaie)

However, the government shot

INGLESE

J.R. Martin and P.R.R. White, The language of evolution: Appraisal in English (pag 131 sul libro e pag 100)

The resources of intersubjective stance: an overview of engagement

We turn now to considering the resources of dialogistic positioning in more detail. In this section we consider those

meanings which we assign to the category of engagement, turning to the resources of graduation in section 3.16 and

following sections later in the chapter. In sections devoted to individual sub-types of engagement and graduation we frst

identify the relevant locutions, explore their dialogistic functionality and then, where appropriate, consider potential

effects with respect to putative audience construal, alignment and solidarity, as discussed above.

As indicated, we include within the category of engagement those meanings which in various ways construe for the text

a heteroglossic backdrop of prior utterances, alternative viewpoints and anticipated responses. We begin by outlining the

taxonomy within which we locate the various engagement meanings. The taxonomy is directed towards identifying the

particular dialogistic positioning associated with given meanings and towards describing what is at stake when one

meanings rather than another is employed.

Disclaim: the textual voice positions itself as at odds with, or rejecting, some contrary position:

● (deny) negation (You don’t need to give up potatoes to lose weight.)

● (counter) concession/counter expectation (Although he ate potatoes most days he still lost weight.)

Proclaim: by representing the proposition as highly warrantable (compelling, valid, plausible, well-founded, generally

agreed, reliable, etc.), the textual voice sets itself against, suppresses or rules out alternative positions:

● (concur) naturally …, of course …, obviously …, admittedly … etc.; some types of ‘rhetorical’ or ‘leading’ question

● (pronounce) I contend …, the truth of the matter is …, there can be no doubt that … etc.

● (endorse) X has demonstrated that …; As X has shown … etc.

Enieriain: by explicitly presenting the proposition as grounded in its own contingent, individual subjectivity, the authorial

voice represents the proposition as but one of a range of possible positions – it thereby entertains or invokes these

dialogic alternatives:

● it seems, the evidence suggests, apparently, I hear

● perhaps, probably, maybe, it’s possible, in my view, I suspect that, I believe that, probably, it’s almost certain that …,

may/will/must; some types of ‘rhetorical’ or ‘expository’ question

Aiiribtie: by representing proposition as grounded in the subjectivity of an external voice, the textual voice represents

the proposition as but one of a range of possible positions – it thereby entertains or invokes these dialogic alternatives:

● (acknowledge) X said.., X believes …, according to X, in X’s view

● (distance) X claims that, it’s rumoured that

The taxonomy of options under engagement is represented via the system network provided at the end of this section

(see Figure 3.4 on p. 134).

Construing “us” vs “them/others” in the texts

Alignment alignment to the reader

→ alignment to a position

→ bringing the reader ro align to a position →

BRITAIN’S IMMIGRATION DEBATE IS NOT ABOUT RACE- IT’S ABOUT ARITHMETIC (

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/05/31/britains-immigration-debate-is-not-about-race--its-about-arithme/)

by TOM HARRIS, The telegraph 31 MAY 2016

Lo scrivente non dice “noi” all’inizio del testo, perché non ha ancora abbastanza “famigliarità”

You had been planning to fill the whole glass with your designer beer of choice, but hey, you’re a reasonable

person. So you wait to see how much space you have left after everyone else has added their bit. Perhaps

you’re disappointed when it transpires that instead of being able to add a whole pint of Peroni, you’ll have to

make do with a quarter pint, or even a thimble full.

And then you realise that what’s in your glass tastes bloody awful anyway and that the whole metaphor is

getting out of control so you ask the barman if he does bottles.

INGLESE

The point being, of course, that if you belong anywhere in the wide spectrum of sensible opinion in this

country, you will accept that immigration has to be controlled to a degree. Only those on the extremes of both

Left and Right believe in either an open door, “come one, come all” approach or a “sorry, we’re full up" sign

on the country’s shutters.

And if, as is currently the case, we cannot limit or even anticipate the number of immigrants arriving in the

UK from any of the 27 other EU nations, then if limits are to be imposed, they have to be imposed on those

coming here from outside the EU.

You see? Arithmetic.

Today’s ORB poll showing a significant narrowing of the gap in the Remain campaign’s lead seems to confirm

that ordinary voters are a damned sight more able to use a calculator than many politicians.

This is a matter of great exasperation to most of our elected representatives. Why can’t voters just think the

same way that they do and stop raising uncomfortable issues?

The problem is particularly acute for the Labour Party, because it's Labour’s core vote in housing estates

throughout the country where unhappiness about immigration is felt most keenly. Unfortunately, there are

few Labour MPs willing to acknowledge that unhappiness; they prefer to “challenge” it.

After months of being told by their (Labour) MPs that working-class voters’ concerns are groundless and that

any intention to vote to leave the EU reveals them to be “extreme”, I fear that the generational loyalty to the

People’s Party may be about to reach breaking point, just as it did in Scotland.

More important than Labour’s latest existential crisis, however, is the practical implications of managing

non-EU immigration. The upsetting case of the Brain family in Scotland is one such implication.

Kathryn and Gregg Brain, along with their seven-year-old son Lachlan, face being removed from Scotland

after the post-graduate visa scheme which attracted them here in the first place was retrospectively

withdrawn by the government

Now, it is certainly true that no one can guarantee that particular individuals would face different personal

circumstances or be treated differently if our relationship with the EU were different. What is certain is that

while this young family, who came here to use their skills and qualifications for their and the UK’s benefit,

have no right to remain here, any family from any EU country with any or no skills or qualifications do.

What’s more, there is no doubt that in order to get at least within shouting distance of the Prime Minister’s

famous (and ill advised) net immigration target of “tens of thousands”, it’s families like the Brains who must

suffer.

But there I go again, being all extremist by suggesting all comers into our country ought to be treated on an

equal basis. Gosh, I might as well be writing a BNP pamphlet.

And while the political establishment continue to lecture us about which issues we can and can’t have

opinions on, they should reflect on the advice of an old Labour warhorse of my acquaintance: “If defence is at

the top of voters’ agenda during a general election, then Labour can win all the arguments it likes, but the

Tories will still win the vote.

“Similarly, if the NHS tops the list of voters’ concerns, then the Tories can make all the valid economic

arguments they like, they’ll still lose.”

It’s not up to politicians to tell voters what their priorities should be: democracy works the other way round.


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DETTAGLI
Corso di laurea: Corso di laurea in scienze della comunicazione
SSD:
Università: Torino - Unito
A.A.: 2018-2019

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