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Dibattito sulla riforma della Camera dei Lords - conclusione

Materiale didattico per il corso di Politica comparata del prof. Marco Giuliani. Trattasi della relazione delle fesi conclusive del dibattito riguardante le ipotesi di riforma della Camera dei Lords che ebbe luogo all'interno del parlamento britannico il giorno 13 marzo del 2007.

Esame di Politica comparata docente Prof. M. Giuliani



Lords Hansard text for 13 Mar 200713 Mar 2007 (pt 0007)

W hat is their response to the recommendations contained in the recent report of the International Crisis Group entitled Zim babwe: An

End to the Stalem ate?

The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Lord Triesman): My Lords, we welcome the ICG’s latest

report and agree with a number of its recommendations, including the need for greater regional engagement. The situation is appalling. I condemn

last Sunday’s beatings and arrest of opposition leaders. W hat is needed now is negotiation between Government and opposition on new,

democratic, constitutional agreements and an economic recovery programme to lift Zimbabwe out of the disaster resulting from Mugabe’s policies.

Instead, Mugabe has resorted to further violence and intimidation, clinging to power as Zimbabwe crumbles around him.

13 Mar 2007 : Column 616

Lord Blaker: My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister for that very full reply, with which I agree entirely. I would add only that the demonstration

two days ago involved the leader of the opposition being assaulted so severely that he had to be hospitalised. Does the Minister agree that the

report makes it clear that the Mugabe regime is actually crumbling? I agree with him that the report makes valuable suggestions, and I am glad that

the Government are going to take up some of them.

Discussions should begin, as proposed in the report, about taking the question of Zimbabwe to the Security Council of the United Nations. It is

relevant that South Africa is now a member.

Lord Triesman: My Lords, I understand the noble Lord’s point. If we can secure enough of a basis in the Security Council for a good discussion

without it being blocked, that will be valuable. I hope that people understand the urgency for doing so. Morgan Tsvangirai appeared in court this

morning, plainly seriously injured, and has been returned, as others have, to prison. These circumstances call for a robust international response. If

anyone needs to learn the lessons, they have only to turn on the television and see the footage of those injured—and very heroic—people.

Baroness D'Souza: My Lords, will Zimbabwe be high on the agenda of the forthcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting—in

particular, the possibility of Mr Mugabe remaining as president beyond the 2008 elections?

Lord Triesman: My Lords, I would be surprised if it were high on the agenda of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. Zimbabwe

withdrew from the Commonwealth, arguably just moments before it was removed from it. I know of no intention to re-admit it. It is completely out

of line with, paradoxically, the Harare principles for good governance.

I have also heard that Mugabe anticipates carrying on in power well beyond 2008. I do not know whether that will happen, because his economy

has more or less imploded. The World Bank is anticipating a rate of inflation that may be approximately 5,000 per cent by the end of the year.

These are circumstances from which I believe no economy in peacetime, or probably in wartime, has recovered.

Lord Lea of Crondall: My Lords, will my noble friend take delivery of a message of solidarity from the House to Morgan Tsvangirai, given the

appalling treatment he has received? He is a former friend of ours, a trade union official and a great democrat, and that is the least we can do in

these circumstances.

Lord Triesman: My Lords, I welcome that, and I will do so. I am hopeful that trade unionists and others throughout the world will convey that

message, and that in doing so they also convey it to COSATU in South Africa, where I should like to see the trade union movement also stand

shoulder to shoulder.

13 Mar 2007 : Column 617

Lord Avebury: My Lords, in the circumstances described by the Minister of Zimbabwe imploding, does he think that the recommendation made by

the ICG—that the European Union should engage with SADC in formulating and implementing a strategy for a peaceful transition to post-Mugabe

democratic rule—now stands a better and more realistic chance of success? If these discussions do take place between the EU and SADC, will the

Minister ensure that one of the matters to be taken up is the humanitarian situation of the victims of Mugabe’s tyranny and in particular those who

have been severely injured in the recent attacks on peaceful demonstrators?

Lord Triesman: My Lords, I believe that when these matters are resolved the suffering of people in recent days—and over a considerable

period—must feature in those discussions. SADC has a responsibility as the regional part of the African Union and plainly ought to play more of a

role. In answering the question I am cautious, not because I disagree with the sentiment that lies behind it, but because I have been frustrated on

too many occasions by witnessing the fact that leaders in SADC have not been prepared to play that role. We should urge them to do so.

Baroness Sharples: My Lords, cannot Her Majesty’s Government bring more pressure to bear on President Mbeki to criticise Mugabe; in fact, to

condemn him?

Lord Triesman: My Lords, a number of African presidents—President Obasanjo, former President Chisano of Mozambique and President

Mbeki—have probably said rather more privately than is recognised. I am among those who would prefer some of those comments to be made

more openly and on the record because they would have a greater effect.

There are deep concerns in South Africa that the current economic implosion may well displace up to 6 million people across the Limpopo into the

poorest part of South Africa. That would be a humanitarian and regional security disaster as competition for land, water and other resources would

become acute. I believe that everybody wants a robust solution, but one which does not lead to an even worse disaster.

Lord Alton of Liverpool: My Lords, given the failure of President Mbeki and others to speak out vocally against what is happening in Zimbabwe,

would not the visit this week by President John Kufuor of Ghana, who has just taken over the presidency of the African Union, be an ideal moment

to raise this issue with him and to engage a nation such as his in trying to broker a way forward in a country that is seeing not only the

imprisonment of opposition leaders but the use of tear gas on innocent demonstrators? As the noble Lord told us, the country is sliding into

famine and the mortality rate for women is now said to be in the mid-30s. Surely this is a moment to raise this matter during the state visit of

President John Kufuor and to bring African leadership behind everything that the noble Lord mentioned.

13 Mar 2007 : Column 618

Lord Triesman: My Lords, President John Kufuor has a very good record in this regard. I should be extremely surprised if this matter were not

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Lords Hansard text for 13 Mar 200713 Mar 2007 (pt 0007)

discussed during the state visit, which I welcome. President Kufuor is an outstanding leader who can play a very important role. W hen statements

are made at the end of the visit, I hope it will be apparent that some of the noble Lord’s wishes will be gratified.

The Archbishop of York: My Lords, the noble Lord told us that if enough votes could be obtained in the Security Council a resolution could be

passed. W hat will it take to obtain those votes? How engaged are Her Majesty’s Government in trying to persuade the different embassies and

High Commissions in the region to be proactive because dictators know no other language than a very robust response?

Lord Triesman: My Lords, I frequently put precisely those points to high commissioners and ambassadors of the region. We want to see this

matter expressed in the clearest possible terms. The problem at the Security Council is slightly more complex than the most reverend Primate

expressed. Were it to be a matter of simply trying to get the votes, it would be tough but we would have a very good go at it; the difficult task is

knowing in advance that you have enough support to make a credible stab at it. I am keen to avoid Robert Mugabe believing that we cannot even

get off first base, because if anybody will use that, it is him.

Baroness Park of Monmouth: My Lords, I suggest to the Minister that the report recommends that something should be done to prevent a

second Murambatsvina—“clearing up”—like the awful operation about two years ago, which Anna Tibaijuka criticised so justly and severely. Is it

possible for this Government to at least raise in the United Nations the question of requiring the secretary-general, who I hope is quite distinct

from the Security Council, to send a personal representative and a representative to ensure that the follow-up to the Anna Tibaijuka report should

not be a second operation of the same kind? Surely that is clear-cut and simple, and is something that could be done and need not rest on votes?

Lord Triesman: My Lords, the noble Baroness makes a very important point. Ban Ki-Moon has taken account of the fact that the first of these

appalling events should not be repeated. He is engaged, and we should press him to continue to be engaged. Even that will not turn out—as I

know the noble Baroness knows—to be as simple as it is to say it here. Kofi Annan intended to go there to follow those matters up and to see

whether there was a prospect of change before he left office. He was told by Mugabe to stay out of the country. He announced at the African Union

conference that he would have no prospect of success in attending. Very few countries in the world tell the secretary-general not to come, and they

do so only, in my view, because they have appalling crimes to hide.

13 Mar 2007 : Column 619

Lord Hamilton of Epsom: My Lords, if it is right to invade Iraq to get rid of the tyrant Saddam Hussein, who was making life hell for the citizens of

Iraq, why is it not right to invade Zimbabwe to get rid of the tyrant Mugabe?

Lord Triesman: My Lords, I do not think that there is a prospect of the invasion of Zimbabwe, and I do not want to encourage that thought. The

circumstances of the people of Zimbabwe require of us a very high measure of aid and a possibility of reconstruction. The noble Lord may say that

that is true in other places as well, but the prospects of being able to do it successfully are bound to be part of what is taken into account.

Docking of Working Dogs’ Tails (England) Regulations 2007

Mutilations (Permitted Procedures) (England) Regulations 2007

Welfare of Animals (Miscellaneous Revocations) (England) Regulations 2007

3.02 pm

The Lord President of the Council (Baroness Amos): My Lords, I beg to move the three Motions standing in my name on the Order Paper.

Moved, That the orders of 22 February referring the draft orders to a Grand Committee be discharged.—(Baroness Am os.)

On Question, Motion agreed to. Welfare Reform Bill

The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department for Work and Pensions (Lord McKenzie of Luton): My Lords, I beg to move the

Motion standing in my name on the Order Paper.

Moved, That the amendments for the Report stage be marshalled and considered in the following order:

Clause 1,

Schedule 1,Clauses 2 to 21,Schedule 2,Clauses 22 to 27,Schedule 3,Clause 28,Schedule 4,Clauses 29 to

39,Schedule 5,Clauses 40 to 57,Schedule 6,Clauses 58 to 62,Schedule 7,Clauses 63 to 66,Schedule 8,Clauses

67 to 70.—(Lord McKenzie of Luton.)

On Question, Motion agreed to.

13 Mar 2007 : Column 620

Local Electoral Administration and Registration Services (Scotland) Act 2006

(Consequential Provisions and Modifications) Order 2007

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Corso di laurea: Corso di laurea in scienze internazionali e istituzioni europee
Università: Milano - Unimi
A.A.: 2011-2012

I contenuti di questa pagina costituiscono rielaborazioni personali del Publisher Atreyu di informazioni apprese con la frequenza delle lezioni di Politica comparata e studio autonomo di eventuali libri di riferimento in preparazione dell'esame finale o della tesi. Non devono intendersi come materiale ufficiale dell'università Milano - Unimi o del prof Giuliani Marco.

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