Blair e la sicurezza europea
British-French Summit (Saint-Malo, 4 December 1998)
Joint Declaration on European Defence
issued at the British-French Summit (Saint-Malo, 4 December 1998)
• The Heads of State and Government of France and the United Kingdom are agreed that
• 1. The European Union needs to be in a position to play its full role on the international stage. This means making a reality of
the Treaty of Amsterdam, which will provide the essential basis for action by the Union. It will be important to achieve full and
rapid implementation of the Amsterdam provisions on CFSP. This includes the responsibility of the European Council to decide
on the progressive framing of a common defence policy in the framework of CFSP. The Council must be able to take decisions
on an intergovernmental basis, covering the whole range of activity set out in Title V of the Treaty of European Union.
• 2. To this end, the Union must have the capacity for autonomous action, backed up by credible military forces, the means to
decide to use them, and a readiness to do so, in order to respond to international crises.
– In pursuing our objective, the collective defence commitments to which member states subscribe (set out in Article 5 of the
Washington Treaty, Article V of the Brussels Treaty) must be maintained. In strengthening the solidarity between the
member states of the European Union, in order that Europe can make its voice heard in world affairs, while acting in
conformity with our respective obligations in NATO, we are contributing to the vitality of a modernised Atlantic Alliance
which is the foundation of the collective defence of its members.
– Europeans will operate within the institutional framework of the European Union (European Council, General Affairs
Council, and meetings of Defence Ministers).
– The reinforcement of European solidarity must take into account the various positions of European states.
– The different situations of countries in relation to NATO must be respected.
• 3. In order for the European Union to take decisions and approve military action where the Alliance as a whole is not engaged,
the Union must be given appropriate structures and a capacity for analysis of situations, sources of intelligence, and a capability
for relevant strategic planning, without unnecessary duplication, taking account of the existing assets of the WEU and the
evolution of its relations with the EU. In this regard, the European Union will also need to have recourse to suitable military
means (European capabilities pre-designated within NATO’s European pillar or national or multinational European means
outside the NATO framework).
• 4. Europe needs strengthened armed forces that can react rapidly to the new risks, and which are supported by a strong and
competitive European defence industry and technology.
• 5. We are determined to unite in our efforts to enable the European Union to give concrete expression to these objectives.
Il discorso di Chicago – 24 aprile 1999
• Twenty years ago we would not have been fighting in Kosovo. We would have turned our backs on it.
The fact that we are engaged is the result of a wide range of changes – the end of the Cold War;
changing technology; the spread of democracy. But it is bigger than that.
• I believe the world has changed in a more fundamental way. Globalisation has transformed our economies
and our working practices. But globalisation is not just economic – it is also a political and security
• We live in a world where isolationism has ceased to have a reason to exist. By necessity we have to
co-operate with each other across nations.
• Many of our domestic problems are caused on the other side of the world. Financial instability in Asia
destroys jobs in Chicago and in my own constituency in County Durham. Poverty in the Caribbean means
more drugs on the streets in Washington and London. Conflict in the Balkans causes more refugees in
Germany and here in the US. These problems can only be addressed by international co-operation.
• We are all internationalists now, whether we like it or not. We cannot refuse to participate in global
markets if we want to prosper. We cannot ignore new political ideas in other counties if we want to
innovate. We cannot turn our backs on conflicts and the violation of human rights within other
countries if we want still to be secure.
• On the eve of a new Millennium we are now in a new world. We need new rules for international co-
operation and new ways of organising our international institutions.
• After World War II, we developed a series of international institutions to cope with the strains of rebuilding a
devastated world: Bretton Woods, the United Nations, NATO, the FU. Even then, it was clear that the world
was becoming increasingly interdependent. The doctrine of isolationism had been a casualty of a world war,
where the United States and others finally realised standing aside was not an option.
• Today the impulse towards interdependence is immeasurably greater. We are witnessing the
beginnings of a new doctrine of international community. By this I mean the explicit recognition that
today more than ever before we are mutually dependent, that national interest is to a significant extent
governed by international collaboration and that we need a clear and coherent debate as to the direction this
doctrine takes us in each field of international endeavour. Just as within domestic politics, the notion of
community – the belief that partnership and co-operation are essential to advance self-interest – is coming
into its own; so it needs to find its own international echo. Global financial markets, the global environment,
global security and disarmament issues: none of these can he solved without intense international co-
+1 anno fa
Dispensa per il corso di "Europa dopo la fine della guerra fredda" del prof. Leopoldo Nuti, all'interno della quale è analizzato il ruolo di Tony Blair nel processo di sviluppo di una politica estera e di sicurezza dell'Unione Europea. In particolare sono affrontati i seguenti argomenti: il trattato di Amsterdam del 1997 e la creazione dell'Alto rappresentante PESC, l'incontro franco-britannico di St. Malo del 1998 ed il discorso di Chicago del 1999.
I contenuti di questa pagina costituiscono rielaborazioni personali del Publisher Atreyu di informazioni apprese con la frequenza delle lezioni di L'Europa dopo la fine della guerra fredda e studio autonomo di eventuali libri di riferimento in preparazione dell'esame finale o della tesi. Non devono intendersi come materiale ufficiale dell'università Roma Tre - Uniroma3 o del prof Nuti Leopoldo.
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